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We've got a lot to cover, so I'm tempted to go ahead and jump
right in with my Ward A pick. But before
I do that, I want to go over the ground rules for all you latecomers:
mine is a personal website, and one that isn't affiliated
with any campaign, organization, or publication. I'm not here
to tell you that the candidates that I'm endorsing are the right
ones, and everybody else is wrong: that's what the flacks do,
and I am no flack. I will leave the bullheaded self-righteousness
to the activist groups and other operatives.
So instead of trying to convince you of what's best for you,
and for a quarter million people with whom you probably share
very little, I am here to share with you the conclusions I've
drawn for myself. Modest, yes -- but this way, you can be sure
that what you're getting is a record of an actual person's lived
experience and priorities, rather than some imaginary assumption
about an equally imaginary public good. My hope is that my own
ideas and endorsements will help you clarify your own, and will
encourage you to draw your own conclusions rather than the ones
that are currently being jammed down your throat.
I'd love for you to read the whole thing from top to bottom
(since I'm committed to writing the whole thing from
top to bottom), but I'm aware that you've got a life to lead,
band practice to attend, a kitty to take care of, bubbles to
blow, or some combination of the aforementioned. In case you'd
like to skip ahead to the races you're interested in, click
the links below. If you're one of those people who can't wait
until Christmas to open your presents, the bottom link takes
you to the final list.


Kathleen Curran,
we hardly knew ye. The sitting Ward A Councilwoman, elected when
Peter Brennan was bumped up to an at-large seat, has decided that
her family commitments are too demanding for her to continue to
serve. Hey, way to strike a blow for feminism, Mr. Curran! Your
wife is one of only nine municipal legislators in the second-largest
city in New Jersey. You can't pick up around the house for the
next four years?
So we lose the sharpest dresser on the Council next to Mr. Gaughan;
albeit one who hardly spoke at all at Council meetings, and spent
most of her time hiding
inside Mary Donnelly's jacket. In her place, the Organization
is running Michael
Sottolano, a stock technocratic candidate who exudes an inoffensive
sort of competence. Sottolano was Jersey City information technology
chief for more than thirty years, which is no great endorsement
of his vision or capabilities; IT in this town has hardly been
cutting-edge. Sottolano strikes me as a decent choice for those
who aren't bothered by HCDO or Healy control of the Council. If
the idea of "more of the same" does not turn you on,
you may want to look elsewhere.
Karen DeSoto, the former Corporation Council of Jersey City under
Glenn Cunningham, is attracting some solid support from the Healy
haters -- but do we really need another attorney on the Council?
DeSoto wins points for fighting to
get Melissa Holloway on the ballot: cynics might say that
she did it in exchange for political favors, but nobody in this
town really thinks Holloway is going to win, so it therefore follows
that at least some principle was involved.
Nevertheless, my endorsement goes to Hilario Nunez --
a high school Dean of Students, and by far the most attractive
of the six minor candidates who stood for mayor last November.
I doubt I would agree much with a Councilman Nunez, since he struck
me as awfully socially conservative during the debates last year.
Nonetheless, he projected evident leadership ability and charisma,
and he spoke with genuine passion and sincerity about the problems
facing the kids he's charged with educating and disciplining.
At thirty-two years old, the time for him to establish himself
on the municipal stage is now.
I probably get fewer hits from Ward A than from any other part
of Jersey City, so I doubt this endorsement will mean much. But
I feel stronger about this call than any other one I'm making
except for the one in my home ward. Hilario Nunez strikes me as
the candidate Steve Fulop believes
himself to be -- a young political outsider with integrity, firm
roots in his community, and a will to reform local government
through personal example. The difference between Nunez and Fulop
is that while the Ward E challenger sets himself up as the vanquisher
of a political machine that may or may not exist (and spends his
time and campaign dollars bashing his opponent on the basis of
his alleged ties to that machine), Nunez concentrates his energies
on tackling problems that are all too actual: crime, drugs, gangs,
race relations.
These aren't my issues, and they may not be yours, either. But
Nunez speaks about them in a way that makes listeners care. His
command of the King's own English isn't great, but to be fair,
neither is Mayor Healy's: what makes them both politically compelling
is that they've got the capacity to communicate. In a field of
grey candidates, here's a splash of color for your voting list.
Hilario Nunez for Ward A Councilman.


Tough call. The Organization is running one of their strongest
candidates here: Incinerator Executive Mary
Spinello. I hear you laugh, padawan, but in Jersey City, the
Incinerator Authority is an indisputable stronghold of political
power. Spinello has a certain edgy charm to her; she is obviously
bright, and she's held about three zillion municipal offices.
I think she'd probably make a decent Councilperson.
Would anybody else on the ballot be decent-er, though?
I think we can start by ruling out Michael Galdieri, who was arrested
for dope dealing a few weeks ago. A good Hudson County traditionalist,
the likeable Galdieri promply insisted that he was framed by hacks
affiliated with Spinello. Galdieri has had
his issues with the Incinerator Authority, and is obviously
a dude with an ax to grind. His protests are easy to dismiss,
but they do highlight the problem with Spinello -- she has been
involved in Hudson County politics for such a long time that she's
got entanglements and assorted haters scattered all over the city.
Her airy nonchalance about her presence on the establishment ticket
-- an establishment that so many mistrust -- does nothing to defuse
the feelings of resentment among those who feel left out of the
Healy party.
Attorney Ivan Sutherland, on the other hand, is exactly the sort
of guy I love to talk up. He's sort of a West Side version of
Andrew Hubsch -- all complete sentences
and clean-Gene attitude, a reformer's zeal, and an accountant's
eye for detail. He cuts an extremely odd figure in the most ethnically-diverse
Ward in an ethnically-diverse city. Then again, this is the direction
Ward B is supposed to be going in -- those new condominium buildings
that are springing up near NJCU should attract upper-middle class,
educated commuters looking to take advantage of the light rail
stop.
That seems to be the plan, anyway; somebody's plan on somebody's
drawing board, a blueprint for a well-scrubbed future that may
never arrive. In the meantime, representing Ward B has got to
be the most exhausting job in town. It's a patchwork of ethnic
neighborhoods, huge West Side houses on old-line blocks, streets
by the colleges populated by professors, and shabby three-family
homes occupied by the upwardly-mobile working class. It's no wonder
incumbent Mary
Donnelly opted to turn out the light and go to bed.
Councilwoman Donnelly was the highest-ranking woman in municipal
government, and it's tough to see her go: with Curran's seat almost
certainly falling to Sottolano, Richardson on the outs, and Spinello
no sure bet in this Ward, we're set to have another high-testosterone
Council (at least Harvey Smith, the most relentlessly male member
of the city government, is stepping down and making way for Willie
Flood.) But there are other identity categories that are poorly
represented, too -- the huge East Indian community here has yet
to elect a Councilperson, for instance. That won't happen this
year, but real estate businessman Greg Racelis is giving
West Side Filipinos a chance to elect one of theirs.
Racelis is not a dynamic candidate. He is stiff, unsmiling, and
severe, and he speaks in rote, blunt phrases. But he's won the
support of Sandra Bolden Cunningham, and others who remember
his
stint as chairman of the Housing Authority have given him
good reviews. An immigrant, Racelis seems attuned to the problems
of newcomers. I wouldn't look to this candidate for visionary
leadership -- but, like SBC, I am sympathetic to arguments on
behalf of proportional representation. I believe in having a Council
that looks like the city it governs. Now, it's impossible to fulfill
that wish to the letter; there are only nine seats available,
and hundreds of communities and pressure groups to represent.
Still, I do believe that getting a Pinoy perspective on the Council
would not be a bad thing at all.
Sutherland would be a lot more fun to have on the Council,
true. I also have to acknowledge that he'd be a total noob up
there, and he'd probably have to suffer through a painful style-modification
period as he adjusts to government culture. Racelis is a slightly
better bet to hit the ground running and deliver results immediately;
he's got some government experience, and I see him making a smooth
transition from community activist to municipal legislator. The
West Side doesn't have any time to waste -- the next four years
will be decisive. The University has ambitious
plans to expand, and should feed into the massive West Side
Redevelopment project. Racelis has deep roots in the neighborhood,
and would probably prove accessible and sympathetic to those who
feel pushed aside by the bulldozers. I figure it's better to rely
on experienced community leader than a well-intentioned outsider.
That real estate background doesn't hurt, either. Greg Racelis
for Ward B Council.


Gah, can't we move some of the Ward B candidates over to Journal
Square? I'd vote for Spinello, Sutherland, or Racelis over
either of the choices in Ward C -- hell, I'd probably take Galdieri
too, drug bust and all, just because he reminds me so much of
Smithereens frontman Pat DiNizio during
his Reform Party run for Governor.
If you're a frequent visitor to this site, you already know my
objections to incumbent Steve Lipski. It's not that he's
never met a tax abatement he doesn't like -- while he and I disagree
on abatements policy, I can admire his internal consistency. It's
that his long-winded justifications of the abatements he supports
are totally incomprehensible.
Mind you, I am not saying that Lipski spends his time dissembling,
or that he is "in the pocket of developers"; I don't
make stupid charges like that. I believe that Lipski has studied
the books and the municipal financial particulars, and arrived
at a principled support of PILOT programs.
But it's not good enough for municipal officials to come to reasoned
conclusions and stick to them. Steve
Lipski also has a responsibility to explain those conclusions
to the public -- especially when they're politically unpopular.
Every time Lipski opens his mouth about tax abatements, he says
things that further confuse people. It isn't even that he
buries his listeners under an avalanche of technical financial
jargon. He's just bewildering; he talks in circles, blathers on,
he loses the thread. Jersey City deserves a legitimate debate
over its tax abatement policy, and I don't believe we're going
to get that debate as long as its most visible supporter on the
Council cannot put together an argument that anybody can follow.
Unfortunately, Lipski's only legitimate challenger is a tough
man to trust. The Jimmy King Civic Association is sort of like
an old-school Hudson County political clubhouse, and its leader,
former Parking Authority chair Jimmy King, is sort of like an
old-fashioned neighborhood boss. That's fine. On a nostalgic day,
I could even be convinced the revival of handshake politics (not
that it's ever wholly disappeared in Hudson County) might be salutary.
The trouble is that King is no Frank Hague. Chances are, he's
not even the new John Kenny. Kenny got in at least four solid
years of bamboozling the public; the Parking Authority saw through
King the moment he walked through the door. Now, in almost every
city, the Parking Authority is a repository of misgovenment. But
King made a particularly awful mess of the finances of the department
during his tenure there, scrambling the books, raising hell, and
alienating people. By all accounts King treated his employees
at the Parking Authority terribly, milking them for donations
to his Association.
Instead of hanging his head in shame -- which is what he really
ought to be doing -- King has instead decided that he deserves
a promotion to City Council. It seems absurd to even have to say
it, but this man should not be a municipal legislator. My vote
goes to Lipski, who has shown us some energy and promise, and
who, as far as I know, never extorted money from underlings to
fund an ugly billboard. It is my hope that he can, in his second
term, do a better job of explaining his priorities to the rest
of us. Steve Lipski, grudgingly, for Ward C Councilman.


According to some people in this town, Ward D Councilman
William Gaughan represents everything that is wrong with
Jersey City politics. He has a county job as well as a seat on the
Council, and he's the chairman of the local arm of the alleged Evil
Empire: the HCDO. His commitments, therefore, are compromised --
he is bound to place his fealty to the Organization and County that
pays him over his responsibility to his Ward.
So how come every time I go to a City Council meeting, I see
Bill
Gaughan combing carefully through legislation and interrogating
some speaker about its minute repercussions for his district?
How come Gaughan is the
guy most likely to hold up the agenda to make sure some senior
citizen on Congress Street doesn't have to hear the squeaking
of the light rail brakes? Why is it that every time I tune in
to Council caucus meetings on Channel 1, I feel like I'm watching
the Bill Gaughan Show? Here's Gaughan demanding particulars, there's
Gaughan grilling planners, Gaughan insisting on specifics, Gaughan
insisting on wording, Gaughan looking to squeeze every ounce of
benefit for Ward D out of every piece of municipal legislation.
If I've got any beef with Gaughan, it's that he is too
invested in neighborhood politics -- that he can sometimes lose
the big picture while chasing petty local concerns.
But then that's his role. The Mayor and the At-Large Councilpeople
are meant to handle the vision thing; the six Ward representatives
are there to be sure that their neighborhoods are treated fairly.
There's nobody on the current Council who has been a more strenuous
advocate for the people in his Ward than Gaughan is, and there
is no evidence that I can see that he ever puts his County job
ahead of his municipal obligations.
Frankly, I am getting awfully tired of being assured by purported
progressives that Organization candidates are rubber-stamps for
the County government. This is the sort of thing that plays well
in those throw-the-bums-out rallies, and with people who don't
bother to actually engage with what their municipal leaders are
doing. But when you examine it closely, it doesn't hold water
-- especially since men
like Gaughan are not bums. Certainly there are Organization
officials who are uninspiring technocrats -- but there are plenty
of non-Organization officials who are uninspiring tecnhocrats,
too. Candidates, whether backed by the HCDO or not, deserve to
be assessed based on their individual achievements and capabilities,
and not on some dehumanizing rubric that makes them seem more
like ants in a hive than tough-minded civil servants.
Gaughan's opponent, Lennart Nilsson, is an actor, a progressive,
and an anti-war activist. He seems like an interesting guy. There
is virtually no chance that he will unseat Gaughan, though, and
I can't say I'm too worked up about that. Given my choice, I would
much prefer to hang out with Nilsson. But my vote goes to Gaughan.
William Gaughan for Ward D Councilman.


Ours has been a bitter, unpleasant campaign to witness. Steve
Fulop, the challenger, has bombarded the Downtown with attack
ads that portray incumbent Junior Maldonado as a do-nothing
reprobate who is in the pocket of the Organization. If you ask
Fulop backers about Maldonado, they will tell you about Tom DeGise
and Bob Menendez, Bill Gaughan and the HCDO. They will talk about
the machine, about abatements, about a
corrupt Hudson County political establishment that seems embellished
at best, and, at worst, lifted straight from a storybook.
What they will not talk to you about is Maldonado's
own record. They do not do this because if they were to, you
would recognize instantly that they do not have a case. There
is no evidence whatsoever that Junior
Maldonado is a County puppet, no evidence of corruption during
his tenure, and only scant, circumstantial evidence that he has
not been responsive to his Ward. Let's take these charges one
at at time:
Mr. Fulop claims that Councilman Maldonado is a County puppet.
Although he is backed by the HCDO, Maldonado has frequently
voted against the County establishment. He is not a politician
who is afraid to speak his mind, and he has used his platform
on the City Council to speak
out against projects that may have County approval, but
do not suit the needs of the Downtown.
Conspiracy theorists -- including Fulop
himself -- argue that Maldonado was allowed by his slavemasters
to make those votes for political reasons. Even if the Fulop
camp could prove this vicious charge (which, of course, they
cannot), he cannot erase the fact that during public debate,
Councilman Maldonado has been eloquent and passionate in his
representation of public sentiment in his Ward.
There will always be people who prefer to believe in conspiracy
theories over the evidence their own eyes show them. But those
of us who do not believe in grand, evil schemes to control and
manipulate Jersey City ought to be able to see right through
this one. You can buy into the sci-fi that Junior Maldonado
is a machine programmed by the County government to dissemble
and misrepresent in order to be re-elected, or you can believe
as I do that he is a human being with his own thoughts and feelings
and a full capacity to vote his conscience. Look at the guy:
does he seem like a robot to you? We are, none of us, india-rubber
stamps: we're not so easily governed.
Mr. Fulop implies that Councilman Maldonado is corrupt,
or at least privy to the corrupting force of HCDO power. Maldonado,
like Gaughan, Peter Brennan, and Mariano Vega, have County jobs
as well as seats on the municipal council. We can wish this
wasn't so. We can abhor this practice, and try our damnedest
to change the state law that allows dual officeholding.
What we can't do is punish Junior Maldonado for taking
advantage of a law that he's had nothing to do with writing.
We might not like his choice to wear two hats, but it is not
illegal, and it is wrong to imply that the Councilman is a criminal
because of it. Beyond the dual-officeholding controversy, Maldonado's
escucheon is spotless. As far as I know, he's never been accused
of corruption, misappropriation, or criminal activity.
His challenger can imply that Councilman Maldonado's relationship
to the county government means, inevitably, that he succumbs
to pressures to misbehave and take favors. But when pressed
on specifics, none are forthcoming. You know why that is? It's
because there aren't any. Junior Maldonado is as clean
as anybody in this town.
Mr. Fulop insists that Councilman Maldonado has been an
absentee, and has failed in his obligation to be responsive
to his Ward. Now, this is the one that really bothers me. I
remember the
terrible night of the fire at the Arts Center; I ran down
to First Street the moment I heard it was going down. The first
people to arrive on the scene were the firefighters. Junior
Maldonado was a close second.
This was by no means anomalous -- people involved in the struggle
over the fate of 111 First Street learned quickly that Junior
Maldonado was always available. It didn't matter whether it
was a weekend, or the middle of the night, or a holiday: Maldonado
would take the call. Fulop reminds us that Maldonado was ultimately
unable to save the arts community, and of course that's true.
But when he implies that the Councilman ran scared from Lloyd
Goldman, he is telling tales out of school.
He's also begging this question: when tenants were being
harassed and doors bolted at the Arts Center, where the hell
was Steve Fulop? I did not see him chaining his ass to
the Old Gold smokestack. While Junior Maldonado was doing his
best (which was, admittedly, not good enough) to uncrock an
impossible mess, Steve Fulop was at home, plotting his run for
City Council. The closure of the Arts Center will have reverberations
for the Downtown that we will all feel for years. Those Downtowners
who were engaged in shaping the future of our community made
a point to involve themselves in the fight. Steve Fulop did
not.
I can't conclude this chapter without saying something about
the sort of campaign the challenger has chosen to run. Instead
of differing with the incumbent, and treating him with the respect
that should automatically accrue to a proven
community leader, Fulop has treated Maldonado like a cross
between a buffoon and a brainwashed automaton. He's buried Ward
E under a raft of derisive and insulting attack ads, printing
and disseminating misleading circulars ridiculing his opponent.
Even if you believe that Junior Maldonado is ineffective and ought
to be replaced by new blood, you have to loathe his opponent's
campaign tactics, and wonder if they are a sign of an ethical
compass that is dangerously out of balance.
I expect the challenger to win this election. To borrow a bad
sports cliche, there is good evidence that Mr. Fulop simply wants
it more. Like many of the Organization-backed candidates, Councilman
Maldonado has run a toothless effort: he's barely fought back
against Fulop's absurd charges. Maldonado seems to be taking the
attitude that if his constituents are unable to recognize his
service to them, he'll spare himself the hassle of having to pick
up the pieces after the tumultuous events of 2004. That's easy
for Maldonado to say: he does have those county jobs to
fall back on. The rest of us just have to live here. Since the
incumbent won't say it, I will: don't believe the hype. For Pete's
sake, E. Junior Maldonado for Ward E Councilman.


Lord, would I love to endorse Viola
Richardson here. If anybody around here has the right to complain
about the HCDO and Team Healy (not the same thing, despite what
some will tell you), it's the Ward F incumbent. The rest of the
Council often treats Richardson like a crazy woman, and she's
been booted from the ticket in favor of a
cipher with a collar. To be fair, Richardson occasionally
acts
like a crazy woman, and she has often made it clear that she
feels like the members of the Team are a bunch of jerks. Richardson
doesn't fit on a ticket, anyway: some people are born independents,
and she's one of them.
But I can't back her. Richardson is the aggressive sponsor of
the piece of local legislation that I'm most philosophically opposed
to: the curfew act. A policewoman
who often indulges in the logic of the thin blue line, Richardson
has long argued for shutting down parts of her Ward in order to
control crime. She lives there and I don't, so perhaps I ought
to defer to her there. Nonetheless, other politicians from her
Ward -- most notably Melissa Holloway -- have stood in opposition
to the curfew for reasons resembling my own. I believe Ward F
deserves a Councilperson who is too proud of these much-maligned
streets to shut them down to business.
So what does that leave us with? Not too much. Barshay Muhammad
was a chief of staff under L. Harvey Smith -- which is no selling
point, my friends. The Reverend Ron Calvin Clark, the Organization
choice, has only been halfheartedly supported by City Hall, and
has so far failed to define himself or his platform. Cheryl Jones,
the daughter of veteran activist June Jones, is young, sparky
and progressive, but does not seem ready for prime time. Leonard
Chaplin is a cousin to former mayoral candidate Isaiah Gadsden,
and he shares his relative's penchant for platitudes.
Upon consideration, I've decided that Jones is the most promising
figure in a weak field, and thus deserves the endorsement. She'll
be running with the Holloway ticket -- just Jones and the former
Councilwoman, as far as I know -- and is aligned with reformers
who can help ease her transition into office. I don't harbor any
illusions that Jones is a budding powerhouse, and she strikes
me as the sort of neophyte who will spend her first year or two
on the council getting tied to the back of the car and dragged
through all kinds of legislative action that she wouldn't ordinarily
endorse. I still wish her mom was running. But as a transitional
figure, the daughter will do. Cheryl Jones for Ward F Councilwoman.


I have great sympathy for Andrew Hubsch
and Melissa Holloway. From my conversations
with them, I understand the difficulties involved in getting on
the ballot in a municipality when the county rolls haven't been
cured. But there's still a devil in my ear that whispers to me
that I could have gotten 1,197 signatures after two good nights
out at Uncle Joe's. A month before
the filing deadline, there were about thirty thousand prospective
At-Large candidates vying for the three contested seats. A few
weeks later, we're down to the three Organization choices, and
one independent. What happened here?
The one independent is a very good candidate, and one I can easily
support. Omar Barbour is the President of the MLK Development
Corporation, and has been deeply involved in the effort to bring
the Ward F Hub alive. One thing I've learned about Ward F
politics is that everybody claims responsibility for everything
that has gone right, and everybody blames the county machine for
everything that has gone wrong. Barbour is no exception to this,
but he has a
record of legitimate achievement and civic improvement that
can't be ignored. He deserves to take a seat on the Council.
The sanctimonious manner of Mariano Vega annoys the hell
out of people. I understand why some of my Downtown neighbors
consider him a big
windbag. But unlike Lipski, he is articulate -- and
if you catch him on a good day, he can be inspiring. I think he
was miscast as a Ward E councilman -- he's not the sort of grind-'em-out
politician who spends his days in the trenches, dealing with variances
and cats stuck up trees. He's careful to remain above the fray,
and if his priestly
obsequiousness sometimes feels out of place in Hudson County
politics, it can also serve as a much-needed counterpoint to the
rough stuff. For instance, if it was my City Council, I would
install Mariano Vega as President immediately. I think he would
bestow immediate civility on the position, and provide the perfect
antidote to the
high-handed tactics of Harvey Smith.
I'm not so sure about the other two Team Healy candidates. Willie
Flood barely
showed up for her last mayoral run, and hasn't exactly made
a crusading presence of herself this spring, either. She seems
content to ride the coattails of Mayor Healy, and to grab a Council
seat from Barbour, a more deserving Ward F neighbor. Likewise,
I don't think I've heard Peter
Brennan string together two complete sentences during a Council
debate. It is altogether possible that Brennan is a brilliant
backroom dealer who does his best work when the cameras are off.
It's also possible that he's a bar owner who has lucked into a
political career, and who doesn't
open his mouth for fear he'll rock the boat. There's no way
to know.
So I've decided to do something I don't ordinarily do. I'm going
to write in the name of the guy in this town whose political instincts
and sensibilities I respect the most, and who, in any just world,
would be having positions of authority thrust at him: Paul
Sullivan. I consider this my final act of protest against
the city government's shabby treatment of the tenants at 111 First
Street. But it's also a tribute to Sullivan, a sculptor who made
himself an expert on municipal procedure and development politics
as a matter of necessity, and showed the city that he, and other
artists, have a natural place at the table whenever city policy
is discussed.
Sullivan was not president of the Tenants Council, but he was
always a voice of reason and useful expedience there. I also believe
that there's nobody in this town who is better in an interrogative
context -- Sullivan has an amazing ability to hold the person
he's questioning to the point under discussion. I believe he'd
be amazing behind the Council bench: courteous but firm, no-nonsense,
quietly visionary, appropriately realistic, and unflinchingly
progressive.
It has often been said that all politicians must be artists.
In Hudson County, all artists are forced to be politicians. I
do not get the sense that Sullivan would have made himself a political
actor if he could possibly have helped it -- he would have been
content to be a responsible and moral human being, and to leave
the heavy lifting to the professionals. But circumstances conspired,
and here we are: out one Arts Center, but surrounded by a community
of artists and activists who have shown us their grace under fire.
I doubt my city will ever be afforded an opportunity to vote for
as fine a person as Paul Sullivan in an official capacity, so
on Tuesday, I'm taking it in my own hands. I'll be writing in
Sullivan's name. Omar Barbour, Mariano Vega, and Paul Sullivan
for Council At-Large.


Let me start by saying that I don't have any major
problems with Jerramiah Healy. We differ on many, many subjects,
but I knew we would -- his frame of reference and lived experience
is so removed from my own that it was inevitable that we'd clash
(not that he's shaking in his shoes over there in City Hall over
that.) Mayor Healy is a prosecutor from The Heights who
likes his bub, and I'm a weirdo rock musician who is second only
to Carrie Nation in my distaste for alcohol and social drinking.
Just as I am not the man to put a dent in crime, Healy was never
the man to turn Jersey City into a cultural capital.
Yet I give Healy credit for consistency, forthrightness, and,
in general, intellectual honesty. He's no bullshitter. He hasn't
ducked problems, either: wherever there's been a dispute, a shooting,
or a spike in lawlessness, he's done his best to respond to the
problem in the manner he deems most appropriate. I can't say I've
always liked that manner, but I do not deny that Mayor
Healy is active and aggressive. I also think there is something
to the argument that his evenhanded approach has quelled some
of the feuding that has marred so much of local discourse. If
I wake up on Wednesday morning and Jerramiah Healy has been re-elected
Mayor, I will not lose a moment of sleep over that outcome.
But just because Healy is a
good choice for Mayor does not mean he is the best choice.
If Melissa Holloway had been on
the ballot last November, I would undoubtably have supported her:
of all the elected officials I've encountered so far in Jersey
City, she's the one whose passion for bettering the lives of the
City's least fortunate is most readily apparent. I do not believe
it is responsible to suggest that it's wrong to cycle through
chief executives and administrations searching for the best one
-- if there's an option in front of us that we believe is superior,
it is always wisest to forget the past and take that courageous
step forward. That's the principle of sunk costs: the past is
over. What matters now is what we're going to do with the rest
of our lives.
For me, the case for Holloway comes down to three issues:
The curfews. I cannot ever, under any circumstances,
get with the idea that shutting down
businesses, stopping trade, and ceding the streets to criminals
is an appropriate law enforcement strategy. That's a cop's thinking:
if there's a problem somewhere, put a lock on the door and turn
out the lights. We've seen much too much of this in Jersey City
-- attempting to solve problems by closing doors, sealing borders,
and hoping that the disturbance moves elsewhere.
Small business and commerce is the heart of an urban community.
We hang out by the bodega and we stay out in bars, we get something
to eat late with our friends, we run into our neighbors at restaurants
and shops. For neighborhood redevelopment to gain traction,
area commerce needs to be supported by the government. What's
currently happening is just the opposite: parts of Jersey City
that are most desperately in need of rehabilitation are being
stigmatized as lawless.
Melissa Holloway wants to roll back these curfews. As a matter
of fact, she's made a commitment to openness and the erasure
of borders between neighborhoods a centerpiece of her campaign.
Good for her. As I said in that earlier post, Jersey City needs
a little Glasnost. I believe she understands that.
The ratable base. When he ran for Mayor in November,
Healy stood opposed to further Downtown tax abatements. He appears
to have changed his mind. I understand that he's got a huge
budget gap to close, and he's probably forced to take measures
that he didn't think he'd have to resort to. But instead of
standing up and saying, "you know, guys, I've looked at
the books, and I was wrong; we need to do this", he tried
to pretend that Washington Boulevard wasn't really the waterfront.
It made him look silly, and reinforced the popular notion that
he was a policeman wearing an ill-fitting financier's hat.
I don't know if reval really is right around the corner,
but I am still very ambivalent about our abatement policy. As
a former Union City resident, I feel it's unfair to the rest
of the County. It's also self-perpetuating: the minute you're
done with one fix, you find yourself needing another. I can't
say for sure that Mayor Holloway won't find herself needing
to close budget gaps with PILOT programs. But I do think it's
very doubtful that she'd forget where the Hudson River is, or
approve of gratuitous Downtown abatements. She is far more likely
to move the power to abate to neighborhoods that need an economic
jump-start. She isn't a financier, either -- but she is something
of a political scientist and amateur planner, and I've come
to the conclusion that the municipal budget would be somewhat
safer in her hands than it would be in Mayor Healy's.
The scuttlebutt. I have tried, whenever possible, not
to print rumors in this forum. Yet one rumor about Mayor Healy's
political future has been so persistent -- and has come at me
from so many different quarters -- that I would feel irresponsible
if I did not report it. I've heard that Mayor Healy has no intention
of serving the entirety of his term; that he is uncomfortable
in the Mayor's office, and will leave it if another judgeship
becomes available to him once Corzine is elected Governor.
Do I believe this? No, not really. Yet it does nag at
me, because I cannot say that it doesn't correspond to Jerramiah
Healy's personality and behavior. While I disagree with the
assessment that Healy is visibly uncomfortable in the Mayor's
chair, he is not proceeding with zeal for the job. One very
astute local watcher recently wrote to me that Healy seems like
he's doing something he has to do; like one long awkward,
boring afternoon to be gotten through.
If I'd had an opportunity to sit down with Mayor Healy, I would've
asked him whether he could pledge to me that, if re-elected,
he'd complete his term. As it was, the Healy Team candidates
were barely available to the establishment press, let alone
'net freaks like me, so I didn't get the chance. But I would
certainly prefer four years of Melissa Holloway to two-and-a-half
years of Healy and eighteen months of what's behind door number
two.
Jerramiah Healy does not set himself up as a visionary. Like
many local politicians affiliated with the HCDO, he projects competence,
fairness, and determination, rather than imagination. The problem,
though, is that we're living at a moment of rapid municipal expansion
and change -- a time that demands some creative envisioning from
our elected officials. If the politicians in City Hall do not
impose a vision on Jersey City, developers will be more than happy
to supply visions of their own. That's not, in itself, a terrible
thing; but you can't expect developers to put civic responsibility
ahead of profits. The vision of Greentree Projects stops at the
borderlines of their property.
Melissa Holloway understands that developers have been allowed
to write the plan for the city -- and that as a consequence, it
is incoherent and piecemeal. Can I say for sure that she'll be
able to impose some civic order on what has, heretofore, been
a chaotic sprawl? I can't do that. She could be defeated by the
same forces that dragged down 111 First Street. She could be hamstrung
by a City Council dominated by elected conservatives. Those "adjectives"
that are thrown around about her could be correct -- she might
be tough to work with. But Downtowners like me often forget that
Holloway is no newcomer: she was the Ward F Councilwoman for eight
years. Anybody who can hold on to a seat in this city's most fractious
Ward for the better part of a decade knows how to get her hands
dirty, and knows how to fight. I see great toughness in this woman.
Melissa Holloway for Jersey City Mayor.
**********************
Okay, that's that. A few final words, and then I'll let you get
back to your Sunday reading, or Monday working, or Tuesday daydreams.
One thing I've learned is that lots of
ostensible reformers in this town like to talk about "the
machine", as if it's some monster that lives up on the Palisade,
comes down off the cliff and destroys the Downtown like Godzilla
eating Tokyo. But when you ask them who or what the machine consists
of, you find that they're much more vague about the details.
Is the Hudson County Democratic Organization the machine? If
so, why are the members constantly at odds with each other? What
kind of a machine is so poorly calibrated that its gears line
up so badly, and create such massive sparks? Is that really a
machine to be feared?
Is Tom DeGise's office the machine? If he is, is he simply lying
when he says he's
got enough to deal with on the County level to bother with
Ward candidates? Perhaps Robert Menendez's office is the machine.
But Menendez barely deals with Jersey City at all -- and even
a passing observer could tell that Healy was not his candidate.
If Healy was DeGise's candidate, than did one half of the
machine work against the other half? Can a machine divided stand?
Is The Healy Team the machine? If so, who selected the members
of the Healy team? Was it DeGise, Menendez, William Gaughan, or
Healy himself? What of the County office's apparent disapproval
of Healy's independence? Is Healy controlled by DeGise, or is
it the other way around?
Are Bobby Jackson and Joe Cardwell part of the machine? If they
are, did they join the machine this year, or were they always
part of the machine? A machine connotes stability, solidity. Is
it even possible to join a machine?
You start to see the problem here. It is very easy to stand back
and hang a pejorative tag on the establishment. Once you break
the county political structure down into its constituent parts,
though, it is next to impossible to illustrate the physics of
the machine's operation.
I would take Jersey City reformers a lot more seriously if they
stopped talking about "the machine" -- or, at least,
if they defined their terms a little better. If, instead, they
spoke up about actual people and actual connections that were
causing friction and gave us specific examples, it would be much
easier to listen to their grievances. Because what's happening
now is that insurgents are using the spectre of Jersey City past
to tar the reputations of current political leaders. A young firebrand
gets up on the stump, or on the barstool, and goes on about the
Jersey City machine, and we know what he means -- Frank Hague,
John Kenny, "I am the law", and the rest of it. Only
it is not 1932 anymore, and Bill Gaughan and Tom DeGise are not
the law. We all should be happy they aren't. But acting like they
are just makes it seem like we aren't paying attention.
Okay, folks, early and often. See you at the polls.
 
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